How to Use Indirect Quotations in Writing

The most effective method to Use Indirect Quotations in Writing Recorded as a hard copy, a backhanded citation is aâ paraphrase of somebody elses words: Itâ reports on what an individual said without utilizing the specific expressions of the speaker. Its likewise called circuitous talk andâ indirect discourse. An aberrant citation (in contrast to an immediate citation) isn't put in quotes. For instance: Dr. Ruler said that he had a fantasy. The mix of an immediate citation and a circuitous citation is known as a blended citation. For example: King melodiously applauded the veterans ofâ creative affliction, asking them to proceed with the battle. Models and Observations Note: In the accompanying cited models, we would typically utilize quotes since we are giving you models and perceptions of backhanded statements from papers and books that we are legitimately citing. To maintain a strategic distance from disarray in tending to the subject of aberrant statements and furthermore circumstances where you would be moving among immediate and backhanded statements, we have chosen to do without the additional quotes. It was Jean Shepherd, I accept, who said that following three weeks in science he was a half year behind the class.(Baker, Russell. The Cruelest Month. New York Times, Sept. 21, 1980.) U.S. Naval force Admiral William Fallon, leader of the U.S. Pacific Command said he called Chinese partners to talk about North Koreas rocket tests, for instance, and got a composed reaction that stated, basically, Thanks, yet no thanks.(Scott, Alwyn. U.S. May Slap China With Suit in Intellectual-Property Dispute. The Seattle Times, July 10, 2006.) In his request yesterday, Judge Sand stated, as a result, that if the city was happy to offer motivators to designers of extravagance lodging, business focuses, shopping centers, and official parks, it ought to likewise be helping lodging for minority bunch members.(Feron, James. Refering to Bias Order, U.S. Checks Yonkers on Aid to Builders. The New York Times, Nov. 20, 1987.) Favorable circumstances of Indirect Quotations Roundabout talk is a magnificent method to state what somebody said and evade the matter of verbatim citing out and out. It is difficult to be awkward with aberrant talk. On the off chance that a statement is something like Ill be there arranged for anything, at the primary trace of day break, and you think, in any capacity whatsoever, that it probably won't be in the verbatim zone, dispose of the quotes and state it in roundabout talk (improving the rationale while youre at it). She said she would be there at the principal trace of first light, arranged for anything. (McPhee, John. Elicitation. The New Yorker, April 7, 2014.) Moving From Direct to Indirect Quotations A circuitous citation reports someones words without citing in exactly the same words: Annabelle said that she is a Virgo. An immediate citation presents the specific expressions of a speaker or author, set off with quotes: Annabelle stated, I am a Virgo. Unannounced movements from roundabout to coordinate citations are diverting and confounding, particularly when the author neglects to embed the vital quotes. (Programmer, Diane. The Bedford Handbook, sixth ed., Bedford/St. Martins, 2002.) Blended Quotation There are numerous reasons why we may pick to blended statement another as opposed to legitimately or in a roundabout way quote him. We frequently blended statement another in light of the fact that (I) the detailed articulation is excessively long to straightforwardly cite, however the correspondent needs to guarantee exactness on certain key entries, (ii) certain sections in the first articulation were especially very much put ..., (iii) maybe the words utilized by the first speaker were (conceivably) hostile to a crowd of people and the speaker needs to separate himself from them by showing that they are the expressions of the individual being accounted for and not his own ..., and (iv) the articulations being blended cited may be ungrammatical or a solecism and the speaker may be attempting to demonstrate that hes not capable . ...(Johnson, Michael and Ernie Lepore. Distorting Misrepresentation, Understanding Quotation, ed. by Elke Brendel, Jorg Meibauer, and Markus Steinbach, Wa lter de Gruyter, 2011.) The Writers Role In roundabout discourse, the journalist is allowed to present data about the announced discourse occasion from his perspective and based on his insight about the world, as he doesn't imply to give the genuine words that were articulated by the first speaker(s) or that his report is limited to what was really said. Roundabout discourse is the discourse of the columnist, its turn is in the discourse circumstance of the report.(Coulmas, Florian. Immediate and Indirect Speech, Mouton de Gruyter, 1986.)

The State Board of Nursing Agency Overview

I decided to survey the State Board of Nursing for the province of Ohio at, www. nursingohio. gov. The crucial the Ohio Board of Nursing is to effectively shield the soundness of general society through successful guideline of nursing care ( www. nursing. oho. gov; June 2013) The office offers nurture the capacity to restore licenses and accreditations on the web, select into supplemental classes, pursue state gatherings and audit laws and rules of the State Board. The organization holds its measures and necessities to its medical attendants to the up most. While exploring data I found that any activities that our field against board individuals are situated on the site just as any disciplinary moves that may make place. In January of 2013 I found 256 disciplinary activities from inconclusive suspensions, to for all time renounced permit, to hearing activities. At that point 44 checking activities from pee tranquilize prerequisites, lift of opiate limitations, and endorsed to acknowledge business activities. The organization bolsters the patients that every part interacts with. The State Board requires every part to work on nursing shields. Ensuring that each medical caretaker knows about laws and decides that influence his/or her training. Just as giving trainings, evaluations to stay up with the latest to forestall punishments. The State Board likewise gives an inclining to instruction purposes for partner degree programs that are offered in a wide range of urban areas in Ohio from Akron, Ohio to Cincinnati, Ohio. Each school is to meet the Boards necessities and permits an understudy to check whether a school is contingent affirmed, completely endorsed or temporary affirmed by the state board. The site likewise helps with FAQ for proceeding with instruction and grant and advance open doors for attendants in the territory of Ohio. The Ohio State Board, isn't just is accessible for medical caretakers to survey yet additionally permits t the general population to know there rights, just as record protests if need be. I think the way that Board makes it realize that they consider every one of their individuals responsible to gave quality consideration shows that they are resolved to ensure medical caretakers keep up its exclusive requirements.

How to Shop for Electronics When You Have Bad Credit

How to Shop for Electronics When You Have Bad Credit How to Shop for Electronics When You Have Bad Credit How to Shop for Electronics When You Have Bad CreditYour best bet is to skip making this purchase altogether, but some savvy deal searching or shopping refurbished could also work.It seems like there are more and more cool gadgets and gizmos coming out every day. And you might feel like some sort of caveperson if you don’t have the newest thing. A lot of these devices even seem smart enough to make fun of you for not having them.But what if your credit isn’t so great? Can you still gain access to the wonders of our digital, always online, Internet of Things age?Read on and find out! Why do I need credit for electronics?If you have the cash to buy a device outright and it won’t hurt your budget and finances too badly, then it doesn’t really matter what your credit score is. You can walk right into the store, plunk down the money for an Alexa, and then ask that Alexa to play Money by Pink Floyd or Money by Barrett Strong.But if you don’t have the cash on hand, your ability to get electronics is going to depend on your credit. If you have good credit, you’ll have a wide range of options. Obviously, if you qualify for a credit card, you can use that to purchase whatever electronics you needâ€"so long as theyre  within your credit limit.However, if you want to keep your good credit, you should really make sure you’re paying off your credit card bill in full each month so you don’t start racking up interest.Some electronics stores even have their own credit card that will provide specific benefits if you shop there regularly. Best Buy’s card offers cash back and financing options. Amazon, Target, and Office Depot all have similar card offers. These cards are easier to qualify for, but they usually have much higher interest rates, too. So be careful!But if your credit still isn’t good enough to qualify for one of those cards, that isn’t likely to help.If you have poor credit, be careful with alternative financing options.If your credit isn’t gr eat, you’re going to have fewer options when it comes to purchasing electronics, as is the case with purchasing most things. One bad credit option for purchasing an electronic device is, of course, to not buy that item.Even if your credit is too low to work out a financing plan with the store, you could turn to a personal loan to get the item. But if your credit is too low for financing, the only loan you’ll be able to get will be a bad credit loan, which will come with a much higher annual percentage rate (APR) than a standard loan. And while the right bad credit loan can be a great solution for emergency expenses, its likely that a new laptop doesnt qualify as an emergency.Unless the electronic device in question is something vital to your job or another part of your day-to-day life, you’re probably better off waiting until your credit is in a better place before purchasing it. And if youre considering taking out a no credit check loan like a payday loans or a cash advances to pay for electronics, then stop that immediately.In the meantime, if you don’t qualify for a traditional credit card, consider a secured credit card. A secured credit card requires you to put down some cash as collateral, but you may be able to get one even with poor credit.Then you can use that secured credit to make purchases (perhaps even cheaper electronics) and build up your credit. Just be sure to pay your bill in full each month and try to spend no more than 30 percent of your credit limit. Admittedly, with a cash deposit securing your credit limit, 30 percent of your total might not add up to very much.Renting a film on a laptop is one thing, but renting a laptop?!Even if your credit isn’t in a good enough place to purchase an expensive but necessary electric device like a computer, you could look into one of the services that let you rent a computer. Many of them are “rent-to-own” so you won’t just be throwing your money away. The payments will be applied toward s eventual ownership.If you do consider a rent-to-own agreement, you’re going to want to read the contract very, very carefully. Aside from being certain that you’ll be able to afford the payments, you need to know what the penalties for missing a payment and for getting out of the deal early.  The last thing you want is to be hit with penalties that will cause your credit to get even worse.Deals,  deals, deals.Another method to getting the electronics you need without the credit you want is to become a deal master. By keeping an eye out for deals and taking advantage of sales, you may be able to get a TV or even a computer for way less than you’d normally pay. Many apps will also provide you with virtual coupons or other deal opportunities.It may also be worth looking into used or refurbished products as a cheaper alternative. For example, you may find that there are tablets that will be able to fill the role of a laptop for you right nowâ€"and that are hundreds of dollars ch eaper.Bad credit doesn’t mean you can’t purchase things you need or even want. But it does mean you should be very careful and thoughtful about how and on what you spend.Want to learn more about living your life with bad credit? Check out these related posts and articles from OppLoans:How Bad Credit Can Affect Your Utilities3 Ways to Finance Dental Care, Even With Bad CreditShopping for Furniture with a Bad Credit Score? Here’s What You Need to KnowHow to Buy an Engagement Ring With Bad CreditWhat else do you want to know about living with bad credit? We want to hear from you! You can find us  on  Facebook  and  Twitter.

Cyber Threat, Its Scope And Its Impact On National Security

Cyberspace which is an offshoot for the development of computer and digital communication technologies, has in recent decades become part and parcel of our daily lives. It has become an ideal source for cyber criminals to remain active while preying on victims. Higher the number of cyberspace users’, higher is the opportunities for exploitation. So it is the need of the hour to protect our computers, networks, digital applications and our data from unintended or unauthorized source, change or destruction. This paper proposes a policy directed examination on cyber threat, its scope and its impact on national security. It includes a profile of cooperation among criminals, terrorists and hostile organizations and discusses future of cybercrime in 2020. In recent years, â€Å"Information warfare† a new way of terrorism has become the major concern for information security specialists; terrorists might tamper with computers and electronic devices to commit secured information based threats to nations, to businesses and to individuals. INTRODUCTION In a world where information and communications technology (ICT) that provides the mode so people can work with each other electronically in a digital form over large distances, cyber threats and crimes are of great concern. Computerized technologies are implemented to improve and enhance the efficiency of creative and working processes in every facet of life and the world of cybercrime is no exception. Cybercrime is an illegal activityShow MoreRelatedCyber Threat, Its Scope And Its Impact On National Security2043 Words   |  9 Pageslives. It has become an ideal source for cyber criminals to remain active while preying on victims. 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The United States Executive Office of the President stated, â€Å"The President identified cybersecurity as one of the top priorities of his administration in doing so, directed a 60-day review to assess polices.† (United States Executive Office of the President, 2009, p.2). Furthermore, critical infrastructure, our network, and internet alike are identified as national assets upon which the administration will orchestrate integrated Cyber Threat, Its Scope And Its Impact On National Security ABSTRACT Cyberspace which is an upshot for the evolution of computer and digital communication technologies, has in recent decades become part and parcel of our daily lives. It has become an ideal source for cyber criminals to remain active while preying on victims. Higher the number of cyberspace users’, higher is the opportunities for exploitation. So it is the need of the hour to protect our computers, networks, digital applications and our data from unintended or unauthorized source, change or destruction. This paper proposes a policy directed examination on cyber threat, its scope and its impact on national security. It includes a profile of cooperation among criminals, terrorists and hostile organizations and discusses future of cybercrime in 2020. In recent years, â€Å"Information warfare† a new way of terrorism has become the major concern for information security specialists; terrorists might tamper with computers and electronic devices to commit secured information based threats to nations, to businesses and to individuals. INTRODUCTION In a world where information and communications technology (ICT) that provides the mode so people can work with each other electronically in a digital form over large distances, cyber threats and crimes are of great concern. 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For the military, an overhaul of the whole concept of Defence has gradually changed as cyber security is streamlined into defence policy coupled with economic influence and globalisation. ‘In the military, information and intelligence operations, routine administrative functions, and a wide array of everyday jobs have been increasingly developed and transformed with the support of interconnected electro-electronic devices’ . Defence policy and military strategy go hand in hand and DefenceRead MoreInternational Terrorism And The Security Of The United Kingdom1665 Words   |  7 Pagesinternational terrorism represents the greatest threat to the security of the United Kingdom. It will begin by defining, within the context of this essay, what is meant by the concepts of national security, terrorism and international terrorism, and how international terrorism threatens our nation through both direct and indirect means. 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In Colombia use communication technologies has increased significantly, this raised the countrys level of exposure to cyber threatsRead MoreThe Department Of Health And Human Services1414 Words   |  6 Pages(DHHS) security classifications of its system. †¢ This policy has the purpose to ensure that the Department of Health of Human Services (DHHS) is in compliance with the security standards established by NIST SP 800-53. †¢ The policy is also schemed to identify the five core framework functions: identify, protect, detect, respond, and recover. This will help the Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) to manage cybersecurity risks in both internal and external manners. Scope: †¢ The scope of theRead MoreGovernment Enforced Cyber Security, a Public Good?3640 Words   |  15 PagesGovernment enforced Cyber Security; A public good? Table of Contents What is a Public Good? 3 Is Enforcement of Cyber Security a Public Good? 4 Should government enforce cyber security in the private sector? 5 What would be the impact of government enforced cyber security in the private sector? 5 Should private industry have the responsibility to protect national security? 5 Summary 6 References: 7 What is a Public Good? We all know that cyber security is somethingRead MoreIdentifying And Prosecuting Computer Crime2560 Words   |  11 Pageswithout its’ dark side. This innovation brought about novel challenges popularly referred to as cyber-crime. Policing the prevalence of cyber-crime and its threat to electronic commerce has been of great concern to all government. Twenty-first century, the criminals increasingly rely on advanced technologies and Internet to promote their illegal operations. 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Scope This policy needs to be applied to all users, employees, contractors, suppliers and to all IT resources such as e-mails, filesRead MoreElectronic Protected Health Information On The Confidentiality, Integrity, And Availability Of The Electronic Protection Essay865 Words   |  4 Pagesconfidentiality, integrity and availability of the electronic protected health information that Topaz Information Solutions, LLC (Topaz) creates, uses, processes and transmits. II. Scope and Limitations This policy applies to all Topaz workforce members. III. Related Policy Names and Numbers Privacy Policy (COM-001) Security Policy (COM-002) Disclosure Policy (COM-003) IV. Definitions Electronic Protected Health Information (e-PHI) – Any individually identifiable health information protected by HIPAARead MoreImportance of Cyber Security1744 Words   |  7 Pagestechnology empower Americans, the more they become prey to cyber threats. The United States Executive Office of the President stated, â€Å"The President identified cybersecurity as one of the top priorities of his administration in doing so, directed a 60-day review to assess polices.† (United States Executive Office of the President, 2009, p.2). Furthermore, critical infrastructure, our network, and internet alike are identified as national assets upon which the administration will orchestrate integrated

The opening scene begins with a stark extreme close up of...

The opening scene begins with a stark extreme close up of a woman’s face in black and white. The camera focuses on her startled eyes that dart from side to side in an ominous manner that is coherent to the genre of thriller and its ability to perpetuate a feeling of unease. As the camera continues to zoom inwards towards her pupil, the image turns a deep red and we notice the emergence of animated spirals superimposed onto her iris. As the screen changes from monochrome to red the non-diegetic sound of mood music alerts the viewer to the insidious nature of the thriller, instilling a feeling of unease. Hitchcock’s use of the colour in this scene is unconsciously interpreted by the viewer as menacing or foreboding, as the colour red†¦show more content†¦The Mise En Scene continues to subconsciously warn the viewer that there is something secretly insidious behind Elsters request that Scotty is to follow his wife. The colour red saturates the carpet with a vivid oxblood hue that is offset by the deep mahogany furniture in order to emanate sinister imagery evocative of or equal to that of a devils lair. Intentionally selected cinematic techniques such as high angled shots are used in conjunction with the imagery produced through Mise En Scene in order to produce triangular compositions were by Gavin Elster is at the pinnacle of the frame, masterfully in control. This camera angle is accompanied by poignant digetic dialogue such as Elsters seemingly insensible question - ‘Do you believe that someone out of the past, someone dead, can enter and take possession of a living being?’ in order portray the mystification of Scotty. He is manipulated into considering the possibility of ghostly possession - a lack of reasoning which displays Scotty has become deluded by Elster’s ascendancy. Elster walks around the scene in a circular motion when discussing Madelines possession, mirroring the spiral motif that is perpetuated througho ut the film and conveying the hypnotic consequences of his manipulative ploy on Scotty. By exposing Scotty’s character flaws, we realise that Elster is the antagonist, villainously exploiting Scottie’s mental weakness – acrophobia; gullibility; susceptibility to a mysterious woman – in order toShow MoreRelatedThomas Hardy Poems16083 Words   |  65 PagesHAP IF but some vengeful god would call to me From up the sky, and laugh: Thou suffering thing, Know that thy sorrow is my ecstasy, That thy love s loss is my hate s profiting! Then would I bear, and clench myself, and die, Steeled by the sense of ire unmerited; Half-eased, too, that a Powerfuller than I Had willed and meted me the tears I shed. But not so. How arrives it joy lies slain, And why unblooms the best hope ever sown? --Crass Casualty obstructs the sun and rain, AndRead MoreGp Essay Mainpoints24643 Words   |  99 Pagespublished via new media channels †¢ Any work, regardless of its value, can easily get broadcasted to a global audience †¢ Publishers want to ensure that their books sell *quality check* †¢ Any hack can put up his dribbling on Fictionpress.net †¢ Any angst-filled teenager can put up his or her macabre, misspelt poetry online. †¢ Anyone can masquerade a superstition for scientific truth and create a website to scare similarly weak-minded netizens Mainstream BAD: Profit motive and Government-regulatedRead MoreOne Significant Change That Has Occurred in the World Between 1900 and 2005. Explain the Impact This Change Has Made on Our Lives and Why It Is an Important Change.163893 Words   |  656 PagesMeyerowitz, ed., History and September 11th John McMillian and Paul Buhle, eds., The New Left Revisited David M. Scobey, Empire City: The Making and Meaning of the New York City Landscape Gerda Lerner, Fireweed: A Political Autobiography Allida M. Black, ed., Modern American Queer History Eric Sandweiss, St. Louis: The Evolution of an American Urban Landscape Sam Wineburg, Historical Thinking and Other Unnatural Acts: Charting the Future of Teaching the Past Sharon Hartman Strom, Political Woman:Read MoreStephen P. Robbins Timothy A. Judge (2011) Organizational Behaviour 15th Edition New Jersey: Prentice Hall393164 Words   |  1573 PagesBlowing Your Top Is a Good Thing 122 Questions for Review 121 Experiential Exercise Who Can Catch a Liar? 123 Ethical Dilemma Happiness Coaches for Employees 123 Case Incident 1 Is It Okay to Cry at Work? 124 Case Incident 2 Can You Read Emotions from Faces? 124 S A L S A L 5 Personality and Values 131 Personality 133 What Is Personality? 133 †¢ The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator 135 †¢ The Big Five Personality Model 136 †¢ Other Personality Traits Relevant to OB 139 x CONTENTS Read MoreOrganisational Theory230255 Words   |  922 Pageswish to engage with theoretical issues whilst also maintaining a practical focus on why organization theory matters. I felt in good hands here, confident that I was being offered a deeply informed, reliable and intelligently constructed account. The opening chapter carefully and helpfully explains terms, including ‘theory’ and ‘epistemology’ that can form an unexplored bedrock to texts in the field. It then offers thoughtful, scholarly and well-illustrated discussions of prominent theoretical perspective

Chicago public schools Free Essays

Although the ex president George Bush said popular quote† No child left behind†, hat is happening in the Chicago Public schools is exactly the opposite. Even if every kid is given the opportunity to go to school some are being given a better education. This essay will argue that the kids that are not getting a good education are the ones that according to Jean Anyone, a professor of education policy at the university of New York, come from a † blue collar family (Anyone 169). We will write a custom essay sample on Chicago public schools or any similar topic only for you Order Now The schools that are In wealthy communities are better than those that are In the poor communities because they are given a better education and they live in a safer learning environment. The schools that are in wealthy communities are better than those that are in the poor communities because they have better teaching methods and resources (Anyone 172). In the essay † From Social Class and the Hidden Curriculum of Work, † by Jean Anyone, he describes the deference between a † working- class school† and an † executive elite school†. The working-class school consists of parents that have blue- collar Jobs such as, factory workers, pipe welders, and malignant workers (Anyone 170). These Jobs do not require much skill other than following orders given by their employers. Students that attend this type of school are taught to follow the steps of procedures without any decision making because they are being tracked to follow the footsteps of their parents (Anyone 169). For example from the essay † Class in America† by Gregory Manumits, the profile of Cheryl Mitchell shows that she went to a large public school that was patrolled by security guards in Brooklyn, New York (Mantis 309). She was taught basic skills and was conveyed the importance of doing everything under someone else’s orders. Her parents both worked blue collard Jobs ND she is currently working as a nurse’s aide, which puts her in that same category as them (Mantis 309). Her ambition as a little girl was to become a teacher and now her ambition at the age of 38 is † to get out of the ghetto†. On the opposing side an executive elite school Is one that primarily consists of parents that are top executives such as vice-presidents, governors, industrialist, and mayors (Anyone 172). These types of schools require the students to work on their analytical Intellectual powers and to always ask for reasoning through a problem. This Is because these students are eyeing prepared to live a successful life were they too will become apart of the 0. 1 annually (Mantis 303). In the profile of Harold S. Browning, it shows that he went to an exclusive private school in Manhattan, New York. There he was given the finest educational preparation so he could become an owner of a business (Mantis 307). At age 38 he is the owner of his fathers company and living a luxurious life as a † leader in business† (Mantis 307). The comparison between the education of a child with parents from a blue collard Job and those with white collard Jobs goes to show hat all children are not getting the same education because of their family background. However many of the children that attend working class schools face many challenges that also affect their learning environment because of the neighborhoods that they live in. In the article † His Kind of Town†, by Von Dredge, the mayor of Chicago, Ram Emmanuel spent much of his childhood in a † prosperous† north shore suburb with his wife and three kids that are attending the finest private schools in Chicago. In the article † Update: Chicago School War† by Rob Bartlett , children that got their schools loses down by him live on the west and south side of the city in neighborhoods with high poverty and crime rates. The population of these areas of Chicago consists mainly of Hispanics and Blacks with blue collard Jobs (Bartlett). Most of Chicago homicides took place in the west and south side areas in 2012, were there is a high poverty rate ( Dredge). Also the murder rate in Chicago was the highest of the three largest U. S. Cities ( Dredge). From murders per every 100,000 residents, Chicago stood at 18. 6 percent. This left Los Angels and New York City behind with below 8 percent. The offenders were from 1 5 to 24 years old, 77% were black, 20% were Hispanic, and 3% were white (Dredge). Out of the 506 murders that took place in Chicago, 82% were shootings did not occur on the north side ( Dredge). This goes to show how dangerous it is to live in these areas of Chicago, however these children have no choice because it is all that their parents can afford. With the Mayor closing down their schools around their homes, children are now being forced to transfer to other schools, which puts them in greater risk of violence because they have to pass gang mandarins (Bartlett). However, one would hope that these children are only being sent to these schools to better their education. The reality of the matter is that they are being welcomed by schools that have similar teaching methods, testing scores, and with not enough resources (Bartlett). From the book Savage Inequalities by Jonathan Kola, a child’s education that comes from a low-income family in the inner cities, like Chicago, is unequal to those that come from a richer family that is further out from Chicago. School funding in 988 to 1989 school year showed that the Niles Township High School was spending 9,371 dollars per student (Kola 236). However in the Chicago inner cities, students are being funded 5,265 dollars and that’s on an average of all grade levels (Kola 236). The difference is more than four thousand dollars and it shows not only the lack of materials in the schools, but also the lack of proficient teachers. Textbooks that are needed in certain classes are not always used or are out of date because the school cannot afford to buy new ones (Kola 51). Since some of these schools can’t afford the road for the students to copy into their notebooks (Anyone 174). Most of the teachers in the Chicago inner city schools are over the age of 60 ( Kola 51). This is because the salary that is offered to the young teachers is too low to keep them working there. Some of the older teachers don’t show up to teach because they lack excitement for the subjects that they are teaching and ultimately because they are not getting paid enough (Kola 52). When they are asked why, they simply reply, † It makes no difference. Kids like these aren’t going anywhere. The city thinks it’s saving money on he substitutes. I tell them, Pay now or pay later. â€Å"(Koala 52) So the city relies on low paid substitutes that represent more than 25% of the teaching force (Kola 51). A 15 year old student from Du Sable high school, that is located on the south side of Chicago, says that he has been in a class a whole semester and the school still has not found a teacher for them ( Kola 52). Some high schools in the south side of Chicago even have two or three † study halls† where not much studying goes on (Kola 53). This is because the schools save the cost of teachers by doing this. Many f the classroom sizes are 30 to 36 students per room and the question is, â€Å"how could a teacher accommodate all of these students (Bartlett)? † Well they can’t, the teachers risk the chance of having a child fall behind if they don’t understand. The teachers also have little or no one on one time with the students. Even if these events in this book took place mostly from 1988 to 1990, it shows that Chicago public schools have been falling apart a long time ago and as Kola puts it, † the rich get a richer quality of education while the poor get less real education (Koala 54). However in the recent years a new type of school has been introduced that would give parents a third choice to decide from, these are called Charter Schools. There is no real solution to the problem that is going on in the Chicago public schools but there now exists another choice for parents that don’t want their children to attend a public school nor private if they can’t afford it. According to an article from the Chicago Tribune, † Voice of the People,† charter schools are schools that operate similar to a private school however they operate with public money. These schools et their own curriculum, teaching methods and selection of students that get into the school. It is said in the same article that † The Thirst for Charter Schools† is growing every year more (Voice of the people). In 1996, the first charter school opened in Chicago and now there is 132 campuses operating under 58 charters (The thirst for charter schools). The president of the Illinois Network of Charter Schools, Andrew Brow, says that there are 19,000 students waiting for a charter school slot to open and currently 2. Million students are attending a charter school (The thirst for harder schools). However, Just because there is now a third choice to choose from for parents and there children, it does not erase the solid fact that America has to first fix their public schools and neighborhoods with high poverty rates in order to have victory with the charter schools. This is because if in the later future charter schools continue to grow and take over public schools, then slowly they too will start to fail, since it was a problem that was never truly resolved from the core of the problem. The history of the battle over the Chicago public schools is a problem that has entry because of the numerous schools that were closed in the Chicago south and west areas (Bartlett). These footsteps however, are being followed by other states and the problem over who is getting a better education is occurring all over America. There will always be a producer and a consumer Just like their will always be rich and poor people (Anyone 169). Unfortunately, in America if a child’s parents have blue collard Jobs and live in an area with violence and high poverty rates than they have little chance of getting the best education they could receive. When George Bush said† no child left behind†, he forgot to add, † If you have the money to stay ahead†. Work Cited Anyone, Jean. † From Social Class and the Hidden Curriculum of Work† Rereading America: De. Gary Colombo, Robert Culled, and Bonnie Lisle. Boston: Bedford of SST. Martin’s, 2010. 169-185. Print I decided to use this source because it had many connections to the problem with why some kids are getting better education than other. Bartlett, Rob. † Update: Chicago School War† Against the Current 28. 3(2013): 6 Academic Search complete. Web. 22 April. How to cite Chicago public schools, Papers

Otto Von Bismarck Or Otto Eduard Leopold, Prince Von Bismarck, Essays

Otto von Bismarck or Otto Eduard Leopold, Prince von Bismarck, Count von Bismarck-Sch?nhausen, Duke von Lauenburg--was a Prussian statesman who in 1871 founded the German Empire and served as its first chancellor for 19 years. Once the empire was established, he actively and skillfully pursued pacific policies in foreign affairs, succeeding in preserving the peace in Europe for about two decades. But in domestic policies his patrimony was less benign, for he failed to rise above the authoritarian proclivities of the landed squirearchy to which he was born (Britannica, 1997). Foreign policy Until his resignation in 1890, Bismarck had a relatively free hand in conduct of foreign policy. After three successful wars, he saw his task as promoting peace and gaining time so that the powerful German Empire would come to be accepted as natural. Bismarck's two areas of concern were the Balkans, where the disintegration of the Turkish empire could easily lead to conflict between the Habsburg monarchy and Russia, and France, where the desire to avenge the defeat at Sedan was strong. In each area a general European conflagration could flare up and involve Germany. In 1873 he embraced a pacific foreign policy when he negotiated the Dreikaiserbund (Three Emperors' League) with Russia and Austria-Hungary. But the alliance did not survive the Russo-Turkish War of 1877. When the Austrians and British threatened war over a Carthaginian peace imposed on Turkey by the Russian victors, Bismarck called for a peace congress in Berlin. The German chancellor succeeded in getting the Russians to moderate their gains, and peace was preserved. But a European conflagration had barely been averted. Soon after the conference, Bismarck negotiated a defensive alliance with Austria-Hungary, which remained in effect through World War I. Although in the mid-1860s he had rejected such an alliance as harmful, he now considered it advantageous. Because he feared that the dissolution of the Habsburg monarchy would lead to Russian expansion into central Europe, he sought the alliance to gain leverage in Vienna. He steadfastly used it to prevent a war in the Balkans. In addition, he did not want seven million Austro-German Catholics seeking admission to the empire. Having a solid ally, Bismarck demonstrated his virtuosity by negotiating a revived Dreikaiserbund in 1881. He now had influence in St. Petersburg as well as in Vienna to prevent a Balkan war. In 1882, Italy, fearing French hostility, joined the Dual Alliance, making it into the Triple Alliance. On the surface Bismarck had triumphed. France had no allies for a war of revenge, and, for the moment, a Balkan war seemed unlikely. But the ephemeral nature of all these alliances soon became apparent. A crisis in Bulgaria inflamed Russo-Austrian relations, leading to a breakup the revived league. Once again a war was avoided with Bismarck's intervention, but his efforts could not reconstitute the league. He then negotiated a separate secret treaty with Russia, while maintaining the 1879 accord with Austria-Hungary. Between 1870 and 1890 Bismarck earned the respect of European leaders for his earnest efforts in behalf of peace. Apart from a few colonial acquisitions in the mid-1880s, Germany had acted as a satiate power. All of Bismarck's considerable tactical skills had been successful in creating a powerful German Empire in his first decade in power. For the next two decades these same skills maintained the peace. Domestic Policy From the defeat of Austria in 1866 until 1878 Bismarck was allied primarily with the National Liberals. Together they created a civil and criminal code for the new empire and accomplished Germany's adoption of the gold standard and move toward free trade. Just as they had earlier written off Bismarck as an archconservative, liberals now viewed him as a comrade--a man who had rejected his conservative roots. Many conservative leaders agreed with this assessment. Bismarck had cashiered kings, gone to war against conservative regimes, and adopted policies that promoted rapid industrialization. Their fears were further enhanced when he joined liberals in a campaign against political Catholicism (Kulturkampf) in 1873. Bismarck had not counted on the emergence of new parties such as the Catholic Centre or the Social Democrats, both of whom began participating in imperial and Prussian elections in the early 1870s. Along with the left liberal Progressive Party, he labeled them all enemies of the empire (Reichsfeinde). Each in its own way rejected his vision of a united Germany. The Progressives found the empire too conservative and its elite essentially feudal; the socialists questioned its capitalist character; and for the Centre the empire was Protestant and too centralized. Bismarck's aim was clearly to destroy the Catholic Centre Party. He and the liberals feared the appeal of a clerical party to the one-third of

Hitech Act. Crossword Puzzle Essays

Hitech Act. Crossword Puzzle Essays Hitech Act. Crossword Puzzle Essay Hitech Act. Crossword Puzzle Essay Across Answer key (not in order) A password should be at least 8 characters long Login to this type of portal secure Need special EHR software to ePrescribe A scanner is used to add older records A privacy-screen helps up with HIPAA server Data is stored off site here citrix The type of network we have A monitor is a visual display unit A printer produces a hard copy fired Fraud gets you this An operating-system tells the computer what to do Reboot before you call help desk A fax might become obsolete A network allows sharing between computers EHR Electronic health record HITECH Grant money that paid for this class Answer key (not in order) A password should be at least 8 characters long Login to this type of portal secure Need special EHR software to ePrescribe A scanner is used to add older records A privacy-screen helps up with HIPAA server Data is stored off site here citrix The type of network we have A monitor is a visual display unit A printer produces a hard copy fired Fraud gets you this An operating-system tells the computer what to do Reboot before you call help desk A fax might become obsolete A network allows sharing between computers EHR Electronic health record HITECH Grant money that paid for this class 3. Should be at least 8 characters long 6. Electronic health record 7. Visual display unit 8. Need special EHR___ to ePrescribe 10. Allows sharing between computers 11. Helps up with HIPAA 12. Login to this type of portal 14. A ____ is used to add older records 15. Before you call help desk Down 1. Fraud gets you this 2. Might become obsolete 4. Tells the computer what to do 5. Produces a hard copy 8. Data is stored off site here 9. The type of network we have 13. Grant money that paid for this class Created by Puzzlemaker at DiscoveryEducation. com

The Basics of Conducting Interviews for News Stories

The Basics of Conducting Interviews for News Stories Conducting interviews for news stories is an important skill for any journalist. A â€Å"source† - anyone a journalist interviews - can provide elements that are vital to any news story: Basic factual informationPerspective and context on the topic being discussedDirect quotesIdeas on how to approach the storyNames of other people to interview Things You’ll Need A thin reporter’s spiral notebook (can be purchased at most office supply stores)Several pens and a pencil if it’s winter (pens freeze in cold weather)A tape recorder or digital voice recorder (optional)A video camera for interviews you plan to webcast Preparing for the Interview Research: Do as much research as possible. If you’re going to interview, say, a cardiologist about heart attacks, read up and make sure you understand terms such as â€Å"cardiac arrest.† A well-prepared reporter inspires confidence in the source.Developing Questions: Once you’ve thoroughly researched your topic, prepare a list of questions to ask. That will help you remember all the points you want to cover. Keys to a Successful Interview Establish a Rapport: When starting out, don’t abruptly launch into your questions. Chitchat a little first. Compliment your source on her office, or comment on the weather. This puts your source at ease.Keep It Natural: An interview can be uncomfortable, so keep things natural. Instead of mechanically reading out your list of questions, weave your queries naturally into the flow of the conversation. Also, maintain eye contact as much as possible. Nothing is more unnerving to a source than a reporter who never looks up from his notebook.Be Open: Don’t be so focused on getting through your list of questions that you miss something interesting. For instance, if you’re interviewing the cardiologist and she mentions a new heart-health study that’s coming out, ask about it. This may take your interview in an unexpected - but newsworthy - direction.Maintain Control: Be open, but don’t waste your time. If your source starts to ramble on about things that a re of no use to you, politely - but firmly - steer the conversation back to the topic at hand. Wrapping Up: At the end of the interview, ask your source if there’s anything important that you hadn’t asked about. Double-check the meanings of any terms they used that you’re unsure about. And always ask if there are other people they recommend that you speak with. Notes About Note-Taking Beginning reporters often freak out when they realize they can’t possibly write down everything the source is saying, word-for-word. Don’t sweat it. Experienced reporters learn to take down just the stuff they know they’ll use, and ignore the rest. This takes practice, but the more interviews you do, the easier it gets. Recording an interview is fine in certain circumstances, but always get permission from your source to do so. The rules regarding taping a source can be tricky. According to Poynter.org, recording phone conversations is legal in all 50 states. Federal law allows you to record a phone conversation with the consent of only one person involved in the conversation - meaning that only the reporter is required to know that the conversation is being taped. However, at least 12 states require varying degrees of consent from those being recorded in phone interviews, so its best to check the laws in your own state. Also, your newspaper or website may have its own rules about taping.   Transcribing interviews involves listening to the taped interview and typing out virtually everything thats said. This is fine if youre doing an article with an extended deadline, such as a feature story. But its too time-consuming for breaking news. So if you’re on a tight deadline, stick to note-taking. Always take written notes, even if you’re using a recorder. Every reporter has a story about the time they thought they were recording an interview, only to get back to the newsroom to discover that the machine’s batteries were dead.

Persuasive Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Persuasive - Research Paper Example These camps, housing more than three-quarters of these people, often lack basic amenities. At most camps raw sewage flows in open channels, contaminating everything. Even in the cities, unemployment and poverty are at extremely high levels, but organizations such as the Red Cross/Red Crescent can only deliver the most basic of humanitarian supplies to the Gaza Strip (BBC). And why can't the Red Cross help these people further? Because the Israeli military has built and guards a tall metal fence around the entire area, as well as maintaining a sea blockade. Even the Egyptian side of the border is largely closed, in an attempt to placate the Israeli government. The only official import crossings are maintained by the Israeli army, and often even humanitarian aid and aid workers are not allowed passage (BBC). This state of affairs only exists due to war. In 1967, during the Israeli-Arab war, Israel took the Gaza Strip from Egyptian control, where it had been since the creation of Israel (BBC). It was not until 1994 that governmental control transferred from the Israelis to the Palestinians, and the Israeli military troops were not removed until 2005 (GazaSiege.org). At that time, according to the Israeli government, the occupation of the Gaza Strip by Israel had ended. Rulings from their Supreme Court show that, officially, they feel they have no further responsibility to the people of Gaza (Shany). But once Hamas won the Palestinian elections, the Israeli military tightened an existing blockade around the area, which prevented transport of people and goods, strangled the economy, and led to a â€Å"humanitarian crisis† in 2008 (BBC) None of this even discusses the twenty-three day â€Å"war† in early during which over a thousand civilians were killed, Israel's response to a Palestinian election result (GazaSiege.org). This blockade needs to be broken, and Gaza truly removed from Israeli control for two main reasons: first, such a blockade violates i nternational treaties about the treatment of occupied territories, and second, because of the obvious danger to the people living there. Israel claims that they have a reason to blockade the Gaza strip, mostly to do with political disagreements with Palestine. Israel has tried to â€Å"isolate† and â€Å"control† the Palestinian political group Hamas through control of supplies and people entering the area as well as intensifying mortar and bombing attacks. They have severely limited access to such necessities as cooking fuel and electricity, and have upheld the legality of such actions. Since Gaza is no longer considered â€Å"occupied† by Israel and its population no longer a â€Å"protected people† under those terms, these restrictions do not constitute internationally prohibited â€Å"collective punishment† but instead fall under supposedly legitimate conventions about restrictions placed between nations which are at war (Shany). However, many agencies and individuals around the world have rallied behind the besieged state, as proved by the attempt in during the first week of July this year to break the sea blockade simply to deliver letters of comfort and medical supplies to the people of Gaza (Torchia). Even Israel's own humanitarian aid agencies find these policies despicable (Shany). As they should! Without the ability to import or export goods, the economy of Gaza is

The Importance Of Right Assessment Of Own Skills Personal Statement

The Importance Of Right Assessment Of Own Skills - Personal Statement Example I re-assessed my strengths and weaknesses and have come to realize that I am strong on the economic and mathematical abilities more than chemistry. Weighing all the pros and cons of my future plans, the feasibility of a stable job after finishing a certain course and other important factors that would establish my ability to pursue the course indeed had been a challenge. It took days of considerations and re-considerations until I have come to finalizing my decision, which I believe are now well-established with the aforementioned process I have been through. Like Thomas Edison, my rejection of my application as a major in Chemistry did not mean to be a failure, but a chance to review what I have to work on. And indeed it served its purpose as I have come to the inner strengths that can help me in pursuing my own dream based on my interests and not based on other people’s dreams for me. Dr. Robert Schuler, a great American pastor who built the ‘Chrystal Cathedral’, a church made of glass; on his experiences as a child who grew during the recession, said, â€Å"Tough times never last, but tough people do.† I may not have the blood of such great people running through my veins; however, I have their spirit flowing all over me. I believe as they do, that tough times do not drain the strength of a man rather they serve as fuels to engaging himself in his quests. The trials I have been through during my first application accelerated my thoughts on what is to become of my future and thus served as a turning point for important re-considerations. I have become aware that by following my mother’s footsteps, becoming a pharmacist; I would never be able to get to the top because that is not the dream that I am passionate enough to chase for. I might have let my mother down for not trailing her dream and my future might not be as bright as she wished , but I have faith in myself.

Essay example --

Foucault describes in the â€Å"carceral archipelago† and how it transported the technique from the penal institution to the entire social body on pg. 298 of the text in relation to how technologies, powers and disciplines were connected in a series of prisons, institutions, and other organizations that governed or directed how social norms, punishments and regulations were administered. The archipelago referred to a collection of islands, which show relationships and structural similarities, as well as differences. Foucault uses Mettray as an example to show the emergences of more formalized structure or accountability as we could term it today with examples of power-knowledge over individuals. Foucault describes Mettray as the most disciplinary form at its most extreme, explaining that the models in which are concentrated all the coercive technologies of our behavior (p. 293). The prison was successful because it structured prisoners through the processes of discipline and control. The prison showed that it had the capabilities to transform its functionality to applications and technologies other than the carceral (punitive), such as hospitals, schools, and other public administrations by making the power and knowledge that is held over individuals normal. Its systems, because they were so effective were not destined to remain exclusively to the punitive environment. The technology that they enveloped was extremely useful, and as a result, discipline and structure have been profoundly influential in the development of social norms and behaviors in societies. In modern society, the structure that was present in the carceral environment can be seen in virtually all systems and organizational structures; from federal, state... ...hich in turn is intended to normalize the individual’s behavior. In the application, map my walk, Foucault would view the process of recording and sharing results with peers through electronic communication also as the process of examination. Through the process of sharing information and gathering results and responses, the individual’s behavior becomes normalized through the judging practice; not only being judged both indirectly and directly by their peers, but also by judging themselves through their progress and/or failures. Both are essentially control through observational techniques. It is interesting because they coincide with the pressure that women place on themselves to manifest control over their bodies, both internally and externally. It is similar to a panoptic environment, where the woman monitors her own outcomes. Word Count: 234

Linguistics and Interjections Essay

In Western philosophy and linguistic theory, interjections—that is, words like oof, ouch, and bleah—have traditionally been understood to indicate emotional states. This article offers an account of interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya that illuminates their social and discursive functions. In particular, it discusses the grammatical form of interjections, both in Q’eqchi’ and across languages, and characterizes the indexical objects and pragmatic functions of interjections in Q’eqchi’ in terms of a semiotic framework that may be generalized for other languages. With these grammatical forms, indexical objects, and pragmatic functions in hand, it details the various social and discursive ends that interjections serve in one Q’eqchi’ community, thereby shedding light on local values, norms, ontological classes, and social relations. In short, this article argues against interpretations of interjections that focus on internal emotional states by providing an account of their meanings in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. p a u l k o c k e l m a n is McKennan Post-Doctoral Fellow in Linguistic Anthropology in the Department of Anthropology at Dartmouth College (Hanover, N. H. 03755, U. S. A. [paul. kockelman@dartmouth. edu]). Born in 1970, he was educated at the University of California, Santa Cruz (B. A. , 1992) and the University of Chicago (M. S. , 1994; Ph. D. , 2002). His publications include â€Å"The Collection of Copal among the Q’eqchi’-Maya† (Research in Economic Anthropology 20:163–94), â€Å"Factive and Counterfactive Clitics in Q’eqchi’-Maya: Stance, Status, and Subjectivity,† in Papers from the Thirty-eighth Annual Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistics Society (Chicago: Linguistics Society, in press), and â€Å"The Interclausal Relations Hierarchy in Q’eqchi’ Maya† (International Journal of American Linguistics 69:25–48). The present paper was submitted 1 vi 01 and accepted 27 xii 02. 1. A longer version of this article was presented at the workshop â€Å"Semiotics: Culture in Context† at the University of Chicago in January 2001. Chris Ball, Anya Bernstein, John Lucy, and Michael Silverstein all provided very helpful commentary. This article also greatly bene? ted from suggestions made by Benjamin S. Orlove and several anonymous referees. Western philosophy and linguistic theory have traditionally considered interjections at the periphery of language and primordially related to emotion. For example, the Latin grammarian Priscian de? ned interjections as â€Å"a part of speech signifying an emotion by means of an unformed word† (Padley 1976:266). Muller (1862) ? thought that interjections were at the limit of what might be called language. Sapir (1921:6–7) said that they were â€Å"the nearest of all language sounds to instinctive utterance. † Bloom? eld (1984[1933]:177) said that they â€Å"occur under a violent stimulus,† and Jakobson (1960: 354) considered them exemplars of the â€Å"purely emotive stratum of language. † While interjections are no longer considered peripheral to linguistics and are now carefully de? ned with respect to their grammatical form, their meanings remain vague and elusive. In particular, although interjections are no longer characterized purely in terms of emotion, they are still characterized in terms of â€Å"mental states. † For example, Wierzbicka (1992:164) characterizes interjections as â€Å"[referring] to the speaker’s current mental state or mental act. † Ameka (1992a:107) says that â€Å"from a pragmatic point of view, interjections may be de?ned as a subset of items that encode speaker attitudes and communicative intentions and are contextbound,† and Montes (1999:1289) notes that many interjections â€Å"[focus] on the internal reaction of affectedness of the speaker with respect to the referent. † Philosophers have offered similar interpretations. For example, Herder thought that interjections were the human equivalent of animal sounds, being both a â€Å"language of feeling† and a â€Å"law of nature† (1966:88), and Rousseau, pursuing the origins of language, theorized that protolanguage was â€Å"entirely interjectional† (1990:71). Indeed, such philosophers have posited a historical transition from interjections to language in which the latter allows us not only to index pain and express passion but also to denote values and exercise reason (D’Atri 1995). 2 Thus interjections have been understood as a semiotic artifact of our natural origins and the most transparent index of our emotions. Such an understanding of interjections is deeply rooted in Western thought. Aristotle (1984), for example, posited a contrastive relationship between voice, proper only to humans as instantiated in language, and sound, shared by humans and animals as instantiated in cries. This contrastive relation was then compared with other analogous contrastive relations, in particular, value and pleasure/pain, polis and household, and bios (the good life, or political life proper to humans) and zoe (pure life, shared by all living things). Such a contrast is so pervasive that modern philosophers such as Agamben (1995) have devoted much of their scholarly work to the thinking out of this tradition and others built on it such as id versus ego in the Freudian paradigm. In short, the folk distinction made between interjections and language 2. D’Atri (1995:124) argues that, for Rousseau, â€Å"interjections . . . are sounds and not voices: they are passive registerings and as such do not presuppose the intervention of will, which is what characterizes human acts of speech. † 467 468 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 44, Number 4, August–October 2003 proper maps onto a larger set of distinctions in Western thought: emotion and cognition, animality and humanity, nature and culture, female and male, passion and reason, bare life and the good life, pain and value, private and public, and so on (see, e.g. , Lutz 1988, Strathern 1988). In this article I avoid such abstracting and dichotomizing traps by going straight to the heart of interjections: their everyday usage in actual discourse when seen in the context of local culture and grounded in a semiotic framework. I begin by characterizing the linguistic and ethnographic context in which I carried out my research and go on to relate interjections to other linguistic forms, showing how they are both similar to and distinct from other classes of words in natural languages. Next I provide and exemplify a semiotic framework, generalizable across languages, in terms of which the indexical objects and pragmatic functions of interjections can best be characterized. Then I detail the local usage of the 12 most commonly used interjections in Q’eqchi’ and show the way in which they are tied into all things cultural: values, norms, ontological classes, social relations, and so on. I conclude by discussing the relative frequency with which the various forms and functions of interjections are used. In short, I argue against interpretations of interjections that focus on emotional states by providing an account of their meanings in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. Linguistic and Ethnographic Context While I am attempting to provide as wide a theoretical account of interjections as I can, thereby providing a metalanguage for speaking about similar sign phenomena in other languages, I am also trying to capture the grammatical niceties of Q’eqchi’ Maya and the discursive and social particularities of one Q’eqchi’-speaking village in particular. Before I begin my analysis, then, I want to sketch the linguistic and ethnographic context in which I worked. Q’eqchi’ is a language in the Kichean branch of the Mayan family, spoken by some 360,000 speakers in Guatemala (in the departments of Alta Verapaz, Izabel, and Peten) and Belize (Kaufman 1974, Stewart 1980). 3 Lin? guistically, Q’eqchi’ is relatively well described: scholars such as Berinstein (1985), Sedat (1955), Stewart (1980), Stoll (1896), and Chen Cao et al. (1997) have discussed its syntax, morphology, phonology, and lexicon, and I have detailed various morphosyntactic forms (encoding grammatical categories such as mood, status, evidentiality, taxis, and inalienable possession) as they intersect with sociocultural values and contextual features and as they illuminate local modes of personhood (Kockelman 3. Typologically, Q’eqchi’ is a morphologically ergative, head-marking language. In Q’eqchi’, vowel length (signaled by doubling letters) is phonemic; /k/ and /q/ are velar and uvular plosives, respectively, and /x/ and /j/ are palato-alveolar and velar fricatives, respectively. All other phonemes have their standard IPA values. 2002, 2003a, b). This article is therefore part of a larger project in which I examine how intentional and evaluative stances are encoded in natural languages and the relations that such stances bear to local modes of subjectivity. Alta Verapaz, the original center of the Q’eqchi’-speaking people who still make up the majority of its population, has had a unusual history even by Guatemalan standards. In 1537, after the Spanish crown had failed to conquer the indigenous peoples living there, the Dominican Friar Bartolome de Las Casas was permitted to ?pacify the area through religious methods. Having succeeded, he changed the name of the area from Tezulutlan (Land of War) to Verapaz (True Peace), and the Dominicans were granted full control over the area—the state banning secular immigration, removing all military colonies, and nullifying previous land grants. In this way, for almost 300 years the area remained an isolated enclave, relatively protected by the paternalism of the church in comparison with other parts of Guatemala (King 1974, Sapper 1985). This ended abruptly in the late 1800s, however, with the advent of coffee growing, liberal reforms, and the in? ux of Europeans (Cambranes 1985, Wagner 1996). Divested of their land and forced to work on coffee plantations, the Q’eqchi’ began migrating north into the unpopulated lowland forests of the Peten ? and Belize (Adams 1965, Carter 1969, Howard 1975, Kockelman 1999, Pedroni 1991, Saa Vidal 1979, Schwartz 1990, Wilk 1991). In the past 40 years this migration has been fueled by a civil war that has ravaged the Guatemalan countryside, with the Q’eqchi’ ? eeing not just scarce resources and labor quotas but also their own nation’s soldiers—often forcibly conscripted speakers of other Mayan languages (Carmack 1988, IWGIA 1978, Wilson 1995). As a consequence, the past century has seen the Q’eqchi’ population spread from Alta Verapaz to the Peten and ? nally to Belize, Mexico, and even the ? United States. Indeed, although only the fourth largest of some 24 Mayan languages, Q’eqchi’ is thought to have the largest percentage of monolinguals, and the ethnic group is Guatemala’s fastest-growing and most geographically extensive (Kaufman 1974, Stewart 1980). The two key ethnographies of Q’eqchi’-speakers have been written by Wilk (1991) and Wilson (1995), the former treating household ecology in Belize and the latter upheavals in village life and identity at the height of the civil war in highland Guatemala during the 1980s. In addition to these monographs, there are also a number of dissertations and articles on the history (King 1974, Sapper 1985, Wagner 1996), ecology (Carter 1969, Secaira 1992, Wilson 1972), and migration (Adams 1965, Howard 1975, Pedroni 1991) of Q’eqchi’-speaking  people. The data for this article are based on almost two years of ethnographic and linguistic ? eldwork among speakers of Q’eqchi’, most of it in Ch’inahab, a village of some 80 families (around 650 people) in the municipality of San Juan Chamelco, in the department of Alta Verapaz. At an altitude of approximately 2,400 m, Ch’inahab is one of the highest villages in this area, with an annual precipitation of more than 2,000 mm. It is also one of k o c k e l m a n The Meanings of Interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya F 469  the most remote, access to the closest road requiring a three-hour hike down a steep and muddy single-track trail. Its relatively high altitude and remote location provide the perfect setting for cloud forest, and such a cloud forest provides the perfect setting for the resplendent quetzal, being home to what is thought to be the highest density of such birds in the world. Because of the existence of the quetzal and the cloud forest in which it makes its home, Ch’inahab has been the site of a successful eco-tourism project the conditions and consequences of which are detailed in my dissertation (Kockelman 2002). While the majority of villagers in Ch’inahab are monolingual speakers of Q’eqchi’, some men who have served time in the army or worked as itinerant traders speak some Spanish. All the villagers are Catholic. Ch’inahab is divided by a mountain peak with dwellings on both of its sides and in the surrounding valleys. It takes about 45 minutes to hike across the village. At one end there is a biological station kept by the eco-tourism project and used sporadically by European ecologists, and at the other there is a Catholic church and a cemetery. In the center there is a small store, a school for primary and secondary grades, and a soccer ? eld. The surrounding landscape is cloud forest giving way to scattered house sites, agricultural parcels, pasture, and ? elds now fallow. All villagers engage in corn-based, or milpa, agriculture, but very few have enough land to ful? ll all of their subsistence needs. 4 For this reason, many women in the village are dedicated to chicken husbandry, most men in the village engage in seasonal labor on plantations (up to ?ve months a year in some cases), and many families engage in itinerant trade (women weaving baskets and textiles for the men to sell) and eco-tourism (the women hosting tourists and the men guiding them). Dwelling sites often contain a scattering of houses in which reside an older couple and their married sons, all of whom share a water source and a pasture. The individual families themselves often have two houses, a relatively traditional thatched-roof house in which the family cooks and sleeps and a relatively new house with a tin roof in which they host festivals and in which older children and ecotourists may sleep. Because of eco-tourism and the in? ux of money and strangers that it brings, there has been an increase in the construction of such tin-roofed houses, and, as will be seen, many of my examples of interjections come from such construction contexts. My data on the use of interjections among villagers in Ch’inahab comes from 14 months of ? eldwork carried out between 1998 and 2001. The data collection con4. Before 1968, what is now Ch’inahab was owned by the owner of a plantation. Q’eqchi’-speakers who lived in the village of Popobaj (located to the south of and lower than Ch’inahab) were permitted to make their milpa in this area in exchange for two weeks of labor per month on the ? nca (Secaira 1992:20). Only in 1968, when a group of villagers got together to form a land acquisition committee, were some 15 caballer? as (678 ha) of land purchased from the owner ? for 4,200 quetzals (US$4,200). This land, while legally owned by the entire community, was divided among the original 33 villagers as a function of their original contributions.  sisted in part of characterizing tokens of usage when I heard them and in part of tracking tokens of usage through recordings of naturally occurring conversations. 5 In particular, given the fact that many interjections occur in relatively nonconversational, task-engaged situations (house building, planting, playing, cooking, etc. ), trying to record them in such contexts was futile. Luckily, as will be seen, they often occur in modes of disruption (when some goal-directed action goes awry), which makes them relatively easy to notice in real-time context and their contextual regularities relatively easy to stipulate. In addition, I tape-recorded naturally occurring conversations in the households of three families once a week over several months, usually at dinnertime. 6 After I describe the forms and meanings of the interjections I will discuss the relative frequency of the various tokens collected and thereby illuminate which forms and meanings are most often used by whom. The Grammatical Form of Interjections There are four criteria by which interjections may be differentiated from other linguistic forms within a particular language and generalized as a form class across languages (Ameka 1992, Bloom?eld 1984[1933], Jespersen 1965, Wilkins 1992). First, all interjections are conventional lexical forms, or words, that can constitute utterances on their own (Wilkins 1992). They are conventional in that their sign carriers have relatively standardized and arbitrary phonological forms, and they can constitute utterances on their own because their only syntagmatic relation with other linguistic forms is parataxis—in which two forms are â€Å"united by the use of only one sentence pitch† (Bloom? eld 1984[1933]:171). They can therefore stand alone as perfectly sensible stretches of talk before and after which there is silence. Second, with few exceptions, no interjection is simultaneously a member of another word class (Ameka 1992a, Wilkins 1992). Almost all of them are what Ameka (1992a:105), following Bloom? eld (1984[1933]), calls primary interjections: â€Å"little words or non-words which . . . can constitute an utterance by themselves and do not normally enter into constructions with other word classes. † In Q’eqchi’, the main exceptions are interjections built, through lexical extension, from the primary interjection ay. In the case of ay dios, the additional 5. I also include several examples of interjection usage that occurred in the context of ethnographic interviews about topics other than interjections, for these often indicated that an ethnographic question was poorly posed or inappropriate in the local context. I also carried out extensive interviews about the meanings of interjections with native speakers (see Kockelman 2002 for an extended discussion of the relationship between form, usage, and speakers’ re? ections). 6.  Indeed, the best two accounts of interjection-like things— â€Å"response cries† in Goffman (1978) and â€Å"emblematic gestures† in Sherzer (1993)—explicitly take into account social interaction and ethnographic description. Good accounts of the discursive use of interjections are offered by De Bruyn (1998), Ehlich (1986), Gardner (1998), and Meng and Schrabback (1999). 470 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 44, Number 4, August–October 2003 element, dios, is a loan noun from Spanish, meaning â€Å"god. † In the case of ay dios atinyuwa’, besides the Spanish loanword there is a Q’eqchi’ expression, at-in-yuwa’ (you [are] my father). Interjections of this latter kind, which are or involve forms that belong to other word classes, will be called secondary interjections (again following Ameka and Bloom? eld). Similarly, the English secondary interjections damn and heavens may be used as both interjections and verbs or nouns. Third, with few exceptions, an interjection consists of a single morpheme and undergoes neither in? ectional nor derivational processes (Wilkins 1992). Interjections cannot be in? ectionally marked for grammatical categories such as tense or number, and they cannot be further derived into another form class such as noun or verb. Such forms are often classi? ed as a subclass of â€Å"particles† or discourse markers (see Ameka 1992a, Fraser 1999, Jespersen 1965, Schiffrin 1987, Wilkins 1992, and Zwicky 1985). In Q’eqchi’ there are three exceptions to this characterization. First, uyaluy is what I will call a reduplicative interjection, being composed, through syllabic reduplication, from the interjection uy. Second, ay dios and ay dios atinyuwa’ are what I will call extended interjections, being composed, through lexical extension, from the interjection ay. And lastly, the interjection ay may undergo further derivation into a delocutionary verb (becoming ayaynak, â€Å"to cry or yell continually,† often said of dogs howling), which may then undergo normal verbal in? ection for grammatical categories such as tense, aspect, person, and number. Lastly, although it is not a criterial feature, many of these forms are phonologically or morphologically anomalous, having features which mark them as odd or unique relative to the standard lexical forms of a language. For example, unlike most Q’eqchi’ words, in which stress falls on the last syllable (Stewart 1980), the interjection uyaluy has syllable-initial stress. Similarly, while reduplication is a common morphological process in Q’eqchi’ (Stewart 1980), the reduplicative interjection uyaluy is derived through a nonstandard morphological form. While many Q’eqchi’ words involve a glottalized alveolar stop, the interjection t’ is also implosive. 7 Whereas the Spanish loanword dios is usually phonetically assimilated in Q’eqchi’ as tiox when used as a noun, in the interjection ay dios there is no devoicing of the initial consonant of this noun (i.e. , /d/ does not become /t/) or palatization of its ? nal consonant (i. e. , /s/ does not become /x/). And the interjection sht differs from ordinary Q’eqchi’ words in using /sh/, rather than a vowel, as a syllabic (see Bloom? eld 1984[1933]:121). In short, it is clear from the number of quali? cations that interjections, like most linguistic forms, are dif? cult to characterize with necessary and suf? cient conditions (see Taylor 1995, Zwicky 1985). Nevertheless, they may simultaneously be differentiated from other form classes within a particular language and generalized as a form class across languages. 7. Often called a â€Å"dental click† (Wilkins 1992) or a â€Å"suction stop† (Jespersen 1965:90). Readers who speak some Spanish may have noticed that many Q’eqchi’ interjections look similar to Spanish interjections—ay (dios), uy, ah, eh, sht—and even to English interjections (sh[t] and t’). While I have no historical data that would attest to such a claim, given the history of sustained linguistic contact between speakers of Spanish and Q’eqchi’ via the colonial encounter and between speakers of Spanish and English this should come as no surprise. The one good account of interjections in Spanish (Montes 1999) discusses only a small range of the discursive functions of interjections and focuses on the internal state of the speaker. As I will show, however, the meanings of some of these interjections in Q’eqchi’ seem to bear a resemblance to their meanings in Spanish, as far as can be discerned from the comparative data. In this way, these â€Å"loan interjections† show that almost any linguistic form may be borrowed (see Brody 1995) with some maintenance of its meaning. The Meanings of Q’eqchi’ Interjections  Although interjections are relatively easy to characterize from the standpoint of grammatical form, there is no framework in terms of which one may order and compare their meanings—that is, the classes of objects and signs that they index (and thereby stand in a relationship of contiguity with) and the types of pragmatic functions they serve (and thereby may be used as a means to achieve). In what follows, I frame their use in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. I will begin with an extended example through which the framework will become clear. The Q’eqchi’ interjection chix indexes loathsome objects in the situational context. For example, when picking up his bowl of food from the ground, a man notices that he has set it in chicken feces. â€Å"Chix,† he says, scraping the bowl on the dirt to wipe off the feces. His wife, herself responsible for the chicken, then takes his bowl for herself and gives him a new one. Similarly, when opening the door to her house early one morning, a woman notices that the dog has vomited right outside the doorway. â€Å"Chix,† she says, and her ? ve-year-old son comes over to look. She tells him to scrape it away with a machete. Like most interjections that have indexical objects in the situational context, this interjection serves to call another’s attention to the object. 8 Relatedly, and as a function of responsibility assessment (husband 1 wife 1 child), it directs another’s attention to what must be cleaned up, avoided, etc. The interjection chix may also be transposed to index a sign denoting or characterizing a loathsome object (see Buhler 1990). In such cases of sign-based transposition, ? the interjection is in a relationship of contiguity with a 8. Montes (1999:1293) notes that most of the Spanish interjections she examined â€Å"seem to be associated with seeing. We ? nd that a large number of the interjections [ah, oh, uh, ay, oy, uy] used in the conversations examined co-occur with directives to ‘see’ or ‘look at’ or as a response to these directives. † k o c k e l m a n The Meanings of Interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya F 471 sign that denotes or characterizes the object or event in question (rather than being in contiguity with the actual object or event, as in the usage of chix just discussed). In other words, it is as if the speaker were inhabiting the frame of the narrated event (Buhler 1990). In this way, ? the interjection chix indexes not just loathsomeness but also signs that refer to or predicate qualities of loathsome objects. Insofar as the denotatum of such a sign has the same qualities and values as the object itself, the modality of contiguity (being able to taste, touch, see, or smell the object in question) is suspended while the ontological class of the object (loathsomeness) is maintained. For example, in telling a story to a group of  men about a friend who was bitten by a poisonous spider while working on a plantation in the lowland area of Guatemala, the speaker describes the pus blisters that rose up on his friend’s arm. â€Å"Chix,† says one of the men listening. The other men laugh, and before continuing his story the speaker adds that the pus blisters took two weeks to heal. Like most interjections that undergo signbased transposition, such usage often serves as a backchannel cue, indicating that the speaker is listening but cannot or does not want to contribute to the topic at hand (Brown and Yule 1983:90–94; Duncan 1973; compare the usage of mmm or jeez in English). Lastly, the interjection chix may be transposed to index an addressee’s relation of contiguity with a loathsome object. In such cases of addressee-based transposition, the situational indexical object is transposed to a person other than the speaker. The speaker’s sign is audible (a relation of contiguity) to the addressee, who is in a relationship of contiguity with the object. In other words, it is as if the speaker were inhabiting the ad? dressee’s current corporal?  eld (see Buhler 1990, Hanks 1990), and, again, the modality of contiguity is suspended while the ontological class is maintained. For example, a mother watching her three-year-old son approach a dog that is defecating wormy stool calls out to him â€Å"Chix. † The child stops his advance and watches from a distance. In this most addressee-focused way, the sign is used by a parent to index that a child is within reach (typically tactile) of a disgusting object and serves as an imperative not to touch the object. Interjections are primarily indexical (see Peirce 1955) in that they stand for their objects by a relationship of contiguity rather than by a relationship of convention (as in the case of symbols) or similarity (as in the case of icons). 9 Although the indexical modality of interjections is emphasized in this article, the symbolic modality is always present in at least two interrelated ways. First, and trivially, the interjection itself has a standard9. If interjections were iconic, then they would be expected to resemble their objects. The problem with this, as exempli?  ed by Kryk-Kastovsky’s (1997) argument that interjections are the most iconic of all linguistic elements expressing surprise, is that one needs to know what â€Å"surprise† looks like when usually our only indication of surprise is the interjection or behavior itself. However, interjections as indexical of situational and discursive objects do in certain cases have iconic modalities of meaning (see, e. g. , the discussion of ay, ay dios, and ay dios atinyuwa’ below). ized but relatively arbitrary form that is conventionally used by members of a given linguistic community. Second, interjections conventionally stand in a relation of contiguity with particular classes of objects. These conventional classes of indexical objects are present in two ways. First, across interjections, one may characterize what semiotic class of objects is being indexed. Second, in the case of any particular interjection, one may characterize what ontological class of objects is being indexed. Besides indexing objects or signs in the immediate context, interjections have pragmatic functions: they serve as a means to achieve certain ends. For example, chix variously serves as an attentative (when nontransposed), a back-channel cue (when undergoing sign-based transposition), and an imperative (when undergoing addressee-based transposition). Both the objects indexed and the pragmatic functions served (see Silverstein 1987) are integral aspects of the meanings of interjections. Finally, interjections may index more than one object at once. In particular, they may index objects, signs, internal states, and social relations. In what follows, I will refer to these distinct types of indexical objects as situational, discursive, expressive, and social, respectively. Situational indexical objects are the objects or events in the immediate context of the speech event. Discursive indexical objects are the signs that occur in the speech event. 10 Together, situational and discursive indexical objects are the most stable co-occurrence regularities that interjections possess and therefore the only ones that are easy to tabulate. Expressive indexical objects are the intentional stances of the speaker—the putative mental states, whether construed as â€Å"cognitive† or â€Å"emotive. †11 Lastly, social indexical objects are the various social roles inhabited by the speaker or addressee (gender, ethnicity, age, etc. ) or the social relations that exist between the two (status, deference, politeness, etc. ). For example, chix may index not only a loathsome object in the situational context but a social relation (parentchild, husband-wife, raconteur–appreciative listener) and, in many cases, an internal state (â€Å"disgust†). And the interjection ay not only indexes a painful object in the situational context or an unexpected answer in the dis10. This is not quite the standard distinction between â€Å"text† and â€Å"context† (Montes 1999 and Wilkins 1992). For example, while it is tempting to put sign-based transposition into the discursive context for the purposes of schematizing the data, sign-based transpositions make sense only in terms of the qualities of the objects referred to by the sign indexed by the interjection. In contrast, an unsolicited response such as a dubitive is directed at the truth of another’s assertion rather than at any particular quality of the state of affairs predicated by that assertion. For this reason, dubitives belong to the discursive context and sign-based transpositions to the situational context. 11. Whereas interjections creatively index expressive indexical objects in that the interjection is often the only sign of the internal state in question, they presupposedly index situational and discursive indexical objects in that both interjection and indexical object are simultaneously present in context (see Silverstein 1976 for this distinction). This difference in semiotic status (presupposing/creative) maps onto a putative difference in ontological status (world/mind). 472 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 44, Number 4, August–October 2003 cursive context but also an internal state (pain) in the expressive context and a role in the social context (in particular, female gender). Many interjections index signs in the discursive context in that they co-occur with (or serve as) a response to an addressee’s previous utterance or a nonresponse. In the case of a response, the use of an interjection occurs after and makes sense only relative to the addressee’s previous utterance. For example, the interjection ih indexes an addressee’s previous statement and serves as a registerative, indicating that the speaker has heard and understood the statement. In the case of a nonresponse, the interjection may either elicit an addressee’s utterance (and thereby occur before it) or occur in the midst of the speaker.   

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